![]() ![]() We conclude that these two motivations are not necessarily mutually exclusive, but that both are consistent with the idea of instantaneous grammaticalisation through substrate influence in creole genesis. The plausible link between the two functions is the semanticisation of an invited inference from ‘event about to occur’ to ‘event to be avoided’. The possibility of independent grammaticalisation cannot, however, be excluded, since parallel developments of temporal markers to apprehensive markers are attested in a number of geographically distant and unrelated languages. In fact we show that the apprehensive function of 'bambai' is more widely distributed in pidgin and creole languages of Australia and the Pacific than previously assumed, which could even point, potentially, to an earlier development in Australia. Apprehensive markers are also found in languages which could have influenced the precursor pidgins in New South Wales and Queensland as they expanded northwards towards the Northern Territory. The first is plausible insofar as dedicated apprehensive markers are a common trait in Australian languages, including in those that are currently in contact with Kriol and/or have previously been considered potential substrate languages, such as in the account of creolisation for Roper Kriol by Munro (2004). ![]() We consider two potential motivations for this functional extension: substrate in"uence and independent grammaticalisation. ![]() This use is considered an extension from the temporal/sequential function of this particle that is widespread in creole languages of the Pacific, including Kriol. ![]() a main clause modal marker indicating that an event will potentially occur but is undesirable, with associated pragmatics of warning or threat. The aim of this paper is to draw attention to the use of the Kriol particle 'bambai' as an apprehensive, i.e. ![]()
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